Ein Laboratorium des Ausnahmezustandes: Schutzhaft während des Ersten Weltkrieges und in der frühen Weimarer Republik in Preußen und Bayern, 1914–1923

In Zeiten des Ausnahmezustands in der ersten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts war Schutzhaft das wichtigste Instrument politischer Repression und sozialer Kontrolle. Schon während des Ersten Weltkriegs entwickelte sich eine enge Kooperation zwischen Militär, Zivilbehörden und Polizei, die versuchten, mit Hilfe der Schutzhaft die moralisch-sittliche Ordnung und die politische Einheit der imaginierten „Kriegsvolksgemeinschaft“ aufrechtzuerhalten. Obwohl Bayern einen rechtlichen Sonderweg einschlug, unterschied sich die Praxis des Ausnahmezustands dort kaum von der im Reich. Die Gewalteskalation in der Frühphase der Weimarer Republik führte zu einer Radikalisierung und Brutalisierung der Schutzhaft. Erst nach 1923 setzte eine juristische und politische Normalisierung der innenpolitischen Situation ein. Am Schluss ihres Beitrags fragen André Keil und Matthew Stibbe, ob sich eine Verbindungslinie von der Schutzhaft zum NS-Terror und KZ-System ziehen lässt

Electron Collisions with CO Molecule: An R-Matrix Study Using a Large Basis Set

Fixed-nuclei R -matrix calculations are performed at the equilibrium geometry of carbon monoxide using the very large cc-pV6Z Gaussian basis set. Results from a close-coupling model involving 27 low-lying target states indicate the presence of three2Σ+ resonances at 10.1 eV (width 0.1 eV), 10.38 eV (0.0005 eV), and 11.15 eV (0.005 eV), a2Δ resonance at 13.3 eV (0.1 eV) and two2Π resonances at 1.9 eV (1.3 eV) and 12.8 eV (0.1 eV). These new results are in very good agreement with many experimental studies but in contrast to a previous calculation using a smaller cc-pVTZ basis set where we found only one2Σ+ resonances at 12.9 eV. This is the first time that any theoretical study has reported these high lying2Σ+ resonances in agreement to experiment and reported detection of a2Δ resonance. Total, elastic and electronic excitation cross sections of CO by electron impact are also presented

Critical animal and media studies: Expanding the understanding of oppression in communication research

Critical and communication studies have traditionally neglected the oppression conducted by humans towards other animals. However, our (mis)treatment of other animals is the result of public consent supported by a morally speciesist-anthropocentric system of values. Speciesism or anthroparchy, as much as any other mainstream ideologies, feeds the media and at the same time is perpetuated by them. The goal of this article is to remedy this neglect by introducing the subdiscipline of Critical Animal and Media Studies. Critical Animal and Media Studies takes inspiration both from critical animal studies – which is so far the most consolidated critical field of research in the social sciences addressing our exploitation of other animals – and from the normative-moral stance rooted in the cornerstones of traditional critical media studies. The authors argue that the Critical Animal and Media Studies approach is an unavoidable step forward for critical media and communication studies to engage with the expanded circle of concerns of contemporary ethical thinking

Opening up the Pandora's box of sustainability league tables of universities: a Kafkaesque perspective

The aim of this paper is to explore the institutional impact of sustainability league tables on current university agendas. It focuses on a narrative critique of one such league table, the UK's ‘Green League Table', compiled and reported by the student campaigning NGO, ‘People & Planet’ annually between 2007 and 2013. Through a Kafkaesque perspective, this paper offers the proposition that such league tables could be acting as an institutional hegemonic mechanism for social legitimacy, through the desire by universities to show that environmental issues are effectively under control. Espoused eco-narratives of the ‘carbon targets imperative’ and ‘engagement' can serve as a form of deception, by merely embracing the narrative as a rhetorical device. Moreover, they can serve the exclusive, particularistic self-interests of a growing legion of ‘carbon managers’, ‘sustainability managers’ and ‘environmental managers' in satisfying the neo-liberal institutional drive from their vice chancellors